The Fictioning Horror Sale
 
 

Recently Viewed clear list


Original Essays | September 4, 2014

Edward E. Baptist: IMG The Two Bodies of The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism



My new book, The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism, is the story of two bodies. The first body was the new... Continue »
  1. $24.50 Sale Hardcover add to wish list

spacer
Qualifying orders ship free.
$5.50
List price: $17.00
Used Trade Paper
Ships in 1 to 3 days
Add to Wishlist
Qty Store Section
1 Beaverton Politics- Chomsky Noam

Other titles in the American Empire Project series:

Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance (The American Empire Project)

by

Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance (The American Empire Project) Cover

ISBN13: 9780805076882
ISBN10: 0805076883
Condition: Standard
All Product Details

Only 1 left in stock at $5.50!

 

 

Excerpt

Chapter I

Priorities and Prospects

A few years ago, one of the great figures of contemporary biology, Ernst Mayr, published some reflections on the likelihood of success in the search for extraterrestrial intelligence. He considered the prospects very low. His reasoning had to do with the adaptive value of what we call "higher intelligence," meaning the particular human form of intellectual organization. Mayr estimated the number of species since the origin of life at about fifty billion, only one of which "achieved the kind of intelligence needed to establish a civilization." It did so very recently, perhaps 100,000 years ago. It is generally assumed that only one small breeding group survived, of which we are all descendants.

Mayr speculated that the human form of intellectual organization may not be favored by selection. The history of life on Earth, he wrote, refutes the claim that "it is better to be smart than to be stupid," at least judging by biological success: beetles and bacteria, for example, are vastly more successful than humans in terms of survival. He also made the rather somber observation that "the average life expectancy of a species is about 100,000 years."

We are entering a period of human history that may provide an answer to the question of whether it is better to be smart than stupid. The most hopeful prospect is that the question will not be answered: if it receives a definite answer, that answer can only be that humans were a kind of "biological error," using their allotted 100,000 years to destroy themselves and, in the process, much else.

The species has surely developed the capacity to do just that, and a hypothetical extraterrestrial observer might well conclude that humans have demonstrated that capacity throughout their history, dramatically in the past few hundred years, with an assault on the environment that sustains life, on the diversity of more complex organisms, and with cold and calculated savagery, on each other as well.

Two Superpowers

The year 2003 opened with many indications that concerns about human survival are all too realistic. To mention just a few examples, in the early fall of 2002 it was learned that a possibly terminal nuclear war was barely avoided forty years earlier. Immediately after this startling discovery, the Bush administration blocked UN efforts to ban the militarization of space, a serious threat to survival. The administration also terminated international negotiations to prevent biological warfare and moved to ensure the inevitability of an attack on Iraq, despite popular opposition that was without historical precedent.

Aid organizations with extensive experience in Iraq and studies by respected medical organizations warned that the planned invasion might precipitate a humanitarian catastrophe. The warnings were ignored by Washington and evoked little media interest. A high-level US task force concluded that attacks with weapons of mass destruction (WMD) within the United States are "likely," and would become more so in the event of war with Iraq. Numerous specialists and intelligence agencies issued similar warnings, adding that Washington's belligerence, not only with regard to Iraq, was increasing the long-term threat of international terrorism and proliferation of WMD. These warnings too were dismissed.

In September 2002 the Bush administration announced its National Security Strategy, which declared the right to resort to force to eliminate any perceived challenge to US global hegemony, which is to be permanent. The new grand strategy aroused deep concern worldwide, even within the foreign policy elite at home. Also in September, a propaganda campaign was launched to depict Saddam Hussein as an imminent threat to the United States and to insinuate that he was responsible for the 9-11 atrocities and was planning others. The campaign, timed to the onset of the midterm congressional elections, was highly successful in shifting attitudes. It soon drove American public opinion off the global spectrum and helped the administration achieve electoral aims and establish Iraq as a proper test case for the newly announced doctrine of resort to force at will.

President Bush and his associates also persisted in undermining international efforts to reduce threats to the environment that are recognized to be severe, with pretexts that barely concealed their devotion to narrow sectors of private power. The administration's Climate Change Science Program (CCSP), wrote Science magazine editor Donald Kennedy, is a travesty that "included no recommendations for emission limitation or other forms of mitigation," contenting itself with "voluntary reduction targets, which, even if met, would allow US emission rates to continue to grow at around 14% per decade." The CCSP did not even consider the likelihood, suggested by "a growing body of evidence," that the short-term warming changes it ignores "will trigger an abrupt nonlinear process," producing dramatic temperature changes that could carry extreme risks for the United States, Europe, and other temperate zones. The Bush administration's "contemptuous pass on multilateral engagement with the global warming problem," Kennedy continued, is the "stance that began the long continuing process of eroding its friendships in Europe," leading to "smoldering resentment."

By October 2002 it was becoming hard to ignore the fact that the world was "more concerned about the unbridled use of American power than . . . about the threat posed by Saddam Hussein," and "as intent on limiting the giant's power as . . . in taking away the despot's weapons. " World concerns mounted in the months that followed, as the giant made clear its intent to attack Iraq even if the UN inspections it reluctantly tolerated failed to unearth weapons that would provide a pretext. By December, support for Washington's war plans scarcely reached 10 percent almost anywhere outside the US, according to international polls. Two months later, after enormous worldwide protests, the press reported that "there may still be two superpowers on the planet: the United States and world public opinion" ("the United States" here meaning state power, not the public or even elite opinion).

By early 2003, studies revealed that fear of the United States had reached remarkable heights throughout the world, along with distrust of the political leadership. Dismissal of elementary human rights and needs was matched by a display of contempt for democracy for which no parallel comes easily to mind, accompanied by professions of sincere dedication to human rights and democracy. The unfolding events should be deeply disturbing to those who have concerns about the world they are leaving to their grandchildren.

Though Bush planners are at an extreme end of the traditional US policy spectrum, their programs and doctrines have many pre- cursors, both in US history and among earlier aspirants to global power. More ominously, their decisions may not be irrational within the framework of prevailing ideology and the institutions that embody it. There is ample historical precedent for the willingness of leaders to threaten or resort to violence in the face of significant risk of catastrophe. But the stakes are far higher today. The choice between hegemony and survival has rarely, if ever, been so starkly posed.

Let us try to unravel some of the many strands that enter into this complex tapestry, focusing attention on the world power that proclaims global hegemony. Its actions and guiding doctrines must be a primary concern for everyone on the planet, particularly, of course, for Americans. Many enjoy unusual advantages and freedom, hence the ability to shape the future, and should face with care the responsibilities that are the immediate corollary of such privilege.

Enemy Territory

Those who want to face their responsibilities with a genuine commitment to democracy and freedom — even to decent survival — should recognize the barriers that stand in the way. In violent states these are not concealed. In more democratic societies barriers are more subtle. While methods differ sharply from more brutal to more free societies, the goals are in many ways similar: to ensure that the "great beast," as Alexander Hamilton called the people, does not stray from its proper confines.

Controlling the general population has always been a dominant concern of power and privilege, particularly since the first modern democratic revolution in seventeenth-century England. The self-described "men of best quality" were appalled as a "giddy multitude of beasts in men's shapes" rejected the basic framework of the civil conflict raging in England between king and Parliament, and called for government" by countrymen like ourselves, that know our wants," not by "knights and gentlemen that make us laws, that are chosen for fear and do but oppress us, and do not know the people's sores." The men of best quality recognized that if the people are so "depraved and corrupt" as to "confer places of power and trust upon wicked and undeserving men, they forfeit their power in this behalf unto those that are good, though but a few." Almost three centuries later, Wilsonian idealism, as it is standardly termed, adopted a rather similar stance. Abroad, it is Washington's responsibility to ensure that government is in the hands of "the good, though but a few." At home, it is necessary to safeguard a system of elite decision-making and public ratification — "polyarchy," in the terminology of political science — not democracy.

Copyright © 2003 Aviva Chomsky, Diane Chomsky, and Harry Chomsky

What Our Readers Are Saying

Add a comment for a chance to win!
Average customer rating based on 1 comment:

effiemihopoulos, February 16, 2007 (view all comments by effiemihopoulos)
It should be global required reading!
Was this comment helpful? | Yes | No
(9 of 15 readers found this comment helpful)

Product Details

ISBN:
9780805076882
Author:
Chomsky, Noam
Publisher:
Owl Books (NY)
Author:
Chomsky, Noam, Et
Subject:
Imperialism
Subject:
Intervention (International law)
Subject:
Globalization
Subject:
International Relations - General
Subject:
POL033000
Subject:
War on Terrorism, 2001-
Subject:
Politics - General
Copyright:
Edition Description:
Trade Paperback
Series:
American Empire Project
Publication Date:
September 2004
Binding:
TRADE PAPER
Grade Level:
General/trade
Language:
English
Pages:
320
Dimensions:
8.28 x 5.45 x 0.88 in

Other books you might like

  1. Behind the War on Terror: Western... Used Trade Paper $3.95
  2. The Sorrows of Empire: An Empire Project
    Used Hardcover $4.50
  3. Against All Enemies: Inside... Used Hardcover $3.95
  4. Understanding Power: The... Used Trade Paper $4.95
  5. Manufacturing Consent: The Political...
    Used Trade Paper $6.95
  6. Manufacturing Consent: The Political...
    Used Trade Paper $6.95

Related Subjects

History and Social Science » Politics » Chomsky Noam
History and Social Science » Politics » General
History and Social Science » Politics » Leftist Studies
History and Social Science » Politics » United States » Foreign Policy
History and Social Science » US History » Foreign Policy

Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance (The American Empire Project) Used Trade Paper
0 stars - 0 reviews
$5.50 In Stock
Product details 320 pages Owl Books (NY) - English 9780805076882 Reviews:
"Review" by , "[T]he book, with its wealth of information, is a thoughtful, well-argued antidote to the conventional wisdom."
"Review" by , "If, for reasons of chance, or circumstance (or sloth), you have to pick just one book on the subject of the American Empire, I'd say pick this one. It's the Full Monty. It's Chomsky at his best. Hegemony or Survival is necessary reading."
"Review" by , "How did we ever get to be an empire? The writings of Noam Chomsky — America's most useful citizen, in my opinion — are the best answer to that question. Hegemony or Survival is an excellent summary of his views."
"Review" by , "An impassioned polemic, it catalogues and recounts all of the real, alleged and imagined errors, inconsistencies and hypocrisies that have marred American statecraft over the past century....Reading Chomsky is a little like listening to AM talk radio, albeit with an inverted ideological slant."
"Review" by , "A raging and often meandering assault on United States foreign policy and the elites who shape it....[F]or all that is wrong with Hegemony or Survival, reading Chomsky today is sobering and instructive..."
"Review" by , "[H]ighly readable....Chomsky brings together many themes he has mined in the past, making this cogent and provocative book an important addition to an ongoing public discussion about U.S. policy."
"Review" by , "Chomsky offers a cautionary look at where we may be headed as a nation and the growing threats to world peace and personal freedom."
"Synopsis" by , Lucidly written, thoroughly documented, and featuring a new Afterword by the author, Hegemony or Survival is today's most influential thinker's definitive statement on America's alleged quest for global dominance.
"Synopsis" by ,
"Reading Chomsky today is sobering and instructive . . . He is a global phenomenon . . . perhaps the most widely read voice on foreign policy on the planet." -The New York Times Book Review

An immediate national bestseller, Hegemony or Survival demonstrates how, for more than half a century the United States has been pursuing a grand imperial strategy with the aim of staking out the globe. Our leaders have shown themselves willing-as in the Cuban missile crisis-to follow the dream of dominance no matter how high the risks. World-renowned intellectual Noam Chomsky investigates how we came to this perilous moment and why our rulers are willing to jeopardize the future of our species.

With the striking logic that is his trademark, Chomsky tracks the U.S. government's aggressive pursuit of "full spectrum dominance" and vividly lays out how the most recent manifestations of the politics of global control-from unilateralism to the dismantling of international agreements to state terrorism-cohere in a drive for hegemony that ultimately threatens our existence. Lucidly written, thoroughly documented, and featuring a new afterword by the author, Hegemony or Survival is a definitive statement from one of today's most influential thinkers.

"Synopsis" by ,
"Reading Chomsky today is sobering and instructive . . . He is a global phenomenon . . . perhaps the most widely read voice on foreign policy on the planet." -The New York Times Book Review

An immediate national bestseller, Hegemony or Survival demonstrates how, for more than half a century the United States has been pursuing a grand imperial strategy with the aim of staking out the globe. Our leaders have shown themselves willing-as in the Cuban missile crisis-to follow the dream of dominance no matter how high the risks. World-renowned intellectual Noam Chomsky investigates how we came to this perilous moment and why our rulers are willing to jeopardize the future of our species.

With the striking logic that is his trademark, Chomsky tracks the U.S. government's aggressive pursuit of "full spectrum dominance" and vividly lays out how the most recent manifestations of the politics of global control-from unilateralism to the dismantling of international agreements to state terrorism-cohere in a drive for hegemony that ultimately threatens our existence. Lucidly written, thoroughly documented, and featuring a new afterword by the author, Hegemony or Survival is a definitive statement from one of today's most influential thinkers.

Noam Chomsky was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on December 7, 1928. He studied linguistics, mathematics, and philosophy at the University of Pennsylvania. In 1955, he received his Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania and began teaching at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he is a Professor in the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.

During the years 1951 to 1955, Chomsky was a Junior Fellow of the Harvard University Society of Fellows. While a Junior Fellow he completed his doctoral dissertation entitled, "Transformational Analysis." The major theoretical viewpoints of the dissertation appeared in the monograph Syntactic Structure, which was published in 1957 and is widely credited withhaving revolutionized the field of modern linguistics. This formed part of a more extensive work, The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory, circulated in mimeograph in 1955 and published in 1975.

In 1961, Chomsky was appointed full professor in the Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics (now the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy) at MIT. From 1966 to 1976 he held the Ferrari P. Ward Professorship of Modern Languages and Linguistics. In 1976 he was appointed Institute Professor, a position he held until 2002.

Chomsky is the author of numerous works, including Hegemony or Survival. He is also the author of 9-11 (Seven Stories Press), Rogue States (South End Press), Understanding Power (New Press), New Horizons in the Study of Language and Mind (Cambridge University Press), The Minimalist Program (MIT Press), and many other titles.

In 1988, Chomsky received the Kyoto Prize in Basic Science, given "to honor those who have contributed significantly to the scientific, cultural, and spiritual development of mankind." The p0prize noted that "Dr. Chomsky's theoretical system remains an outstanding monument of 20th century science and thought. He can certainly be said to be one of the great academicians and scientists of this century."

Chomsky lives in Lexington, Massachusetts.

For more than half a century, the United States has been pursing a grand imperial strategy with the aim of staking out the globe. Our leaders have shown themselves willingas in the Cuban missile crisisto follow the dream of dominance no matter how high the risks. Now the Bush administration is intensifying this process, driving us toward the final frontiers of imperial control, toward a choice between the prerogatives of power and a livable Earth. In Hegemony or Survival, Noam Chomsky investigates how we came to this moment, what kind of peril we find ourselves in, and why our rulers are willing to jeopardize the future of our species.

With the striking logic that is his trademark, Chomsky dissects America's quest for global supremacy, tracking the U.S. government's aggressive pursuit of policies intended to achieve "full spectrum dominance" at any cost. He vividly lays out how the most recent manifestations of the politics of global controlfrom unilateralism and the dismantling of international agreements to state terrorism and the militarization of spacecohere in a drive for hegemony that ultimately threatens our survival. In our era, he argues, empire is a recipe for an earthy wasteland.

Lucid, rigorous, and thoroughly documented, Hegemony or Survival is Chomsky's most urgent and sweeping work in years. Certain to spark widespread debate, it is a definitive statement from one of the world's most influential political thinkers.

"A thoughtful, well-argued antidote to the conventional wisdom. [Chomsky] is a national resource, never afraid to challenge power, and is solidly within the honoured tradition of American radicalism."Ronald Steel, The Nation

"[Chomsky] may be the most widely read American voice on foreign policy on the planet today . . . [In this book, he] argues that the Bush administration's war on terrorism builds upon a long tradition of foreign interventions carried out in the name of 'liberation' or 'counterterror,' of special interests run amok and of disdain for international institutions that dare to challenge American hegemony . . . Because every state justifies its wars on the grounds of self-defense or altruism, Chomsky is correct that any 'profession of noble intent is predictable, and therefore carries no information.' He is also right to object to the historical amnesia that American statesmen bring to their dealings with other states. He seethes at the hypocrisy of Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, and Colin Powell, who invoked Saddam Hussein's 1988 gassing attacks in order to help justify the recent war, but who did not see fit to explain why the Reagan administration (which they served as senior officials) doubled its aid to Hussein's regime after learning of the gassings . . . And it is essential to demand, as Chomsky does, that a country with the might of the U.S. stop being so selective in applying its principles. We will not allow our sovereignty to be infringed by international treaty commitments in the areas of human rights or even arms control, but we demand that others should. We rebuff the complaints of foreigners about the 650 people who remain holed up in Guantánamo kennels, denied access to lawyers and family members, with not even their names released. Yet we expect others to take heed of our protests about due process. We have 'official enemies'those whose police abuses, arms shipments, and electoral thefts we eagerly expose (Zimbabwe, Burma, North Korea, Iran). But the sins of our allies in the war on terror (Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, Uzbekistan) are met with 'intentional ignorance' . . . [Chomsky] is right to demand that officials in Washington devote themselves more zealously to strengthening international institutions, curbing arms flows, and advancing human rights."Samantha Power, The New York Times Book Review

"With relentless logic, Chomsky bids us to listen closely to what our leaders tell usand to discern what they are leaving out . . . Agree with him or not, we lose out by not listening."Business Week

"If, for reasons of chance, or circumstance, (or sloth), you have to pick just one book on the subject of the American Empire, pick this one. It's the Full Monty. It's Chomsky at his best. Hegemony or Survival is necessary reading."Arundhati Roy

"Recent developments, above all the Iraq War, affirm what Chomsky has known all along: The United States is a terrorist stateodious, immoral, drunk on its own wild ambitions, and a threat to all mankind. As a consequence, Americans today find themselves trapped in a 'nightmare' of the nation's own making. [Chomsky maintains that] awakening from that nightmare requires that the U.S. abandon its ambitions of global hegemony and accept the imperative of radical political reform . . . Chomsky is correct that in its relations with the rest of the world the United States has been guilty of inconsistency and mendacity and of deploying its professed ideals to disguise acts of naked self-interest . . . [He is also] right in noting that America today has arrogated to itself something akin to imperial prerogatives."Andrew J. Bacevich, The Washington Post Book World

"It is possible that, if the United States goes the way of nineteenth-century Britain, Chomsky's interpretation will be the standard among historians a hundred years from now."The New Yorker

"Claiming that the U.S. is a rogue nation in its foreign policies and its 'contempt for international law,' Chomsky brings together many themes he has mined in the past, making this cogent and provocative book an important addition to an ongoing public discussion about U.S. f0policy."Publishers Weekly

spacer
spacer
  • back to top
Follow us on...




Powell's City of Books is an independent bookstore in Portland, Oregon, that fills a whole city block with more than a million new, used, and out of print books. Shop those shelves — plus literally millions more books, DVDs, and gifts — here at Powells.com.